How traditional, command, market and mixed economies decide what to make

Grade 12 Social Studies Worksheet - Challenge Me

Circle the best answer.

1. Read this first

   Use this

   Cards A to D on Hollin (example figures, made up for practice). Card A, "Bread under a price cap". Before the cap, bakers sold 10,000 loaves a day at $4. The council caps the price at $2. At $2, shoppers want 14,000 loaves a day and bakers make 6,000. Shoppers queue about 1 hour a loaf, and some loaves are resold out of sight for $5. Card B, "What an hour is worth". A typical worker in Hollin earns $15 an hour; students and retirees value an hour at about $5. Card C, "Streetlights". On average residents value new streetlights at $30 a year each; the lights cost $20 a resident a year, and no one can be kept from the light. A private seller asking $20 a year signed up 15 percent of residents. Card D, "A heating voucher". Low-income households get a $300 voucher for heating oil each winter. Oil sellers cannot quickly add supply, and in the first winter the price of a household's winter oil rose $250 for every buyer.

2. 1.

   Jun writes one claim about card A's cap for a debate. Which claim do cards A and B support best?

   • The cap cut loaves made from 10,000 to 6,000 and replaced price rationing with queues and resale
   • The cap cut the bread made by 8,000 loaves a day, the gap between the 14,000 wanted and 6,000 made
   • The cap made bread cheaper in Hollin: shoppers now pay $2 instead of $4 for each loaf
   • A cap like Hollin's is unfair to bakers, so price caps on bread are wrong in principle
3. 2.

   A student claims card A's $5 resale price shows that bread now costs more than before the cap. Ari tests the claim. What is the best verdict?

   • Not shown: the price is capped at $2, so no loaf in Hollin can change hands for more than $2
   • Partly shown: loaves bought on resale cost $5, above $4, but queuers pay $2 plus their time
   • Not shown: bakers' costs did not change, so the true cost of a loaf is still $4
   • Shown: the $5 resale price is above the old $4, so shoppers now pay more for bread than before
4. 3.

   Milo reads card C. Which claim about Hollin's streetlights do the cards support best?

   • Markets cannot supply anything people value, since just 15 percent signed up for the lights
   • The lights should not be built, since one seller could not cover the cost from 15 percent of residents
   • The lights are worth more than they cost, yet anyone can enjoy them unpaid, so few sign up
   • Residents do not want streetlights, since 85 percent declined to pay $20 a year for them
5. 4.

   With the cap on card A, a loaf costs $2 plus the wait. Pia weighs the full cost to different shoppers using card B. Which judgment fits best?

   • Workers gain most, since they earn $15 an hour and can most easily afford to queue for each loaf
   • A loaf costs a worker about $17 with the wait and a student about $7, so the cap favors spare time
   • The cap raises the amount of bread, since 14,000 loaves a day are now wanted in Hollin
   • Shoppers gain $2 a loaf, since the cap halves the price of bread from $4 to $2

6. Use this

   Cards A to D on planning, prices and market failure (cards A and B are exact excerpts; card C is a summary in our words; card D is made up for practice). Card A, "F. A. Hayek, 'The Use of Knowledge in Society' (American Economic Review, 1945)". Excerpt 1: "The peculiar character of the problem of a rational economic order is determined precisely by the fact that the knowledge of the circumstances of which we must make use never exists in concentrated or integrated form but solely as the dispersed bits of incomplete and frequently contradictory knowledge which all the separate individuals possess." Excerpt 2: "We must look at the price system as such a mechanism for communicating information if we want to understand its real function—a function which, of course, it fulfils less perfectly as prices grow more rigid." Excerpt 3, on a new use for tin or a lost source of it: "It does not matter for our purpose—and it is very significant that it does not matter—which of these two causes has made tin more scarce." Card B, "A. C. Pigou, The Economics of Welfare (4th edition, 1932), Part II, Chapter IX". Excerpt, on smoke from factory chimneys: "… this smoke in large towns inflicts a heavy uncharged loss on the community, in injury to buildings and vegetables, expenses for washing clothes and cleaning rooms, expenses for the provision of extra artificial light, and in many other ways." Card C, "Market socialism". Summary in our words, not a quotation: In the 1930s Oskar Lange proposed that a central planning board set prices, raising a price where goods ran short and cutting it where they piled up, while managers produced where price equaled cost. Card D, "Water in Varra (made up)". Varra's water board sets one water price for the year. In July a drought cuts the reservoir's inflow 30 percent. At the fixed price, use stays the same and the reservoir nears empty, so the board bans lawn watering and pays inspectors to enforce the ban.

7. 5.

   Esme applies card A's tin example to the drought on card D. Which reading fits Hayek best?

   • A rising price would tell users to save water without knowing why; the fixed price hides the scarcity
   • The board's ban works as a price would, since both make each user cut use by the same amount
   • The drought is an act of nature, so neither prices nor a board can change how much rain falls
   • Water users must first learn of the drought, since card A says users need to know why water is scarcer
8. 6.

   Bo sets card A beside card B. Which statement best captures how the two arguments relate?

   • Both concern prices: Hayek says prices carry dispersed knowledge, Pigou that some losses enter no price
   • They do not conflict, since Hayek writes about tin and Pigou about smoke, two quite different goods
   • Pigou refutes Hayek, since the smoke shows that prices carry no useful information to anyone
   • Hayek and Pigou agree that a central board should set prices for goods with uncharged losses

9. Use this

   Cards A to D on Hollin (example figures, made up for practice). Card A, "Bread under a price cap". Before the cap, bakers sold 10,000 loaves a day at $4. The council caps the price at $2. At $2, shoppers want 14,000 loaves a day and bakers make 6,000. Shoppers queue about 1 hour a loaf, and some loaves are resold out of sight for $5. Card B, "What an hour is worth". A typical worker in Hollin earns $15 an hour; students and retirees value an hour at about $5. Card C, "Streetlights". On average residents value new streetlights at $30 a year each; the lights cost $20 a resident a year, and no one can be kept from the light. A private seller asking $20 a year signed up 15 percent of residents. Card D, "A heating voucher". Low-income households get a $300 voucher for heating oil each winter. Oil sellers cannot quickly add supply, and in the first winter the price of a household's winter oil rose $250 for every buyer.

10. 7.

    Kira looks for the policy that best fixes the streetlight problem on card C. Which policy is it, and who bears the cost?

    • Ban the private seller, since a market that signs up 15 percent has failed for good
    • A $20 tax on each resident: on average each gains $30 of light, though some value it below $20
    • Charge each home by the light that reaches it, since price signals work for streetlights as for bread
    • Leave it to the seller, since the 15 percent who signed up at $20 a year pay the whole cost

11. Use this

    Cards A to D on planning, prices and market failure (cards A and B are exact excerpts; card C is a summary in our words; card D is made up for practice). Card A, "F. A. Hayek, 'The Use of Knowledge in Society' (American Economic Review, 1945)". Excerpt 1: "The peculiar character of the problem of a rational economic order is determined precisely by the fact that the knowledge of the circumstances of which we must make use never exists in concentrated or integrated form but solely as the dispersed bits of incomplete and frequently contradictory knowledge which all the separate individuals possess." Excerpt 2: "We must look at the price system as such a mechanism for communicating information if we want to understand its real function—a function which, of course, it fulfils less perfectly as prices grow more rigid." Excerpt 3, on a new use for tin or a lost source of it: "It does not matter for our purpose—and it is very significant that it does not matter—which of these two causes has made tin more scarce." Card B, "A. C. Pigou, The Economics of Welfare (4th edition, 1932), Part II, Chapter IX". Excerpt, on smoke from factory chimneys: "… this smoke in large towns inflicts a heavy uncharged loss on the community, in injury to buildings and vegetables, expenses for washing clothes and cleaning rooms, expenses for the provision of extra artificial light, and in many other ways." Card C, "Market socialism". Summary in our words, not a quotation: In the 1930s Oskar Lange proposed that a central planning board set prices, raising a price where goods ran short and cutting it where they piled up, while managers produced where price equaled cost. Card D, "Water in Varra (made up)". Varra's water board sets one water price for the year. In July a drought cuts the reservoir's inflow 30 percent. At the fixed price, use stays the same and the reservoir nears empty, so the board bans lawn watering and pays inspectors to enforce the ban.

12. 8.

    Card C's board would raise prices where goods ran short. Luz tests that plan against card A and the drought on card D. What is Hayek's strongest point?

    • A board that reviews prices slowly acts like Varra's: rigid prices carry less of the dispersed knowledge
    • Varra's board already sets the water price, so card D shows Lange's plan at work in full
    • A board can match any market, since it sets prices from the same knowledge that buyers and sellers already hold
    • Lange's board fails because it sets prices, and a price set by a board stops trade in the good

13. Use this

    Cards A to D on Hollin (example figures, made up for practice). Card A, "Bread under a price cap". Before the cap, bakers sold 10,000 loaves a day at $4. The council caps the price at $2. At $2, shoppers want 14,000 loaves a day and bakers make 6,000. Shoppers queue about 1 hour a loaf, and some loaves are resold out of sight for $5. Card B, "What an hour is worth". A typical worker in Hollin earns $15 an hour; students and retirees value an hour at about $5. Card C, "Streetlights". On average residents value new streetlights at $30 a year each; the lights cost $20 a resident a year, and no one can be kept from the light. A private seller asking $20 a year signed up 15 percent of residents. Card D, "A heating voucher". Low-income households get a $300 voucher for heating oil each winter. Oil sellers cannot quickly add supply, and in the first winter the price of a household's winter oil rose $250 for every buyer.

14. 9.

    Noah asks who gains from card D's $300 voucher in the first winter. Which answer fits the card best?

    • Mostly sellers: the price rose $250, so voucher homes gain $50 and other buyers pay $250 more
    • Buyers without vouchers gain, since sellers pass the voucher money on as lower prices
    • No one gains, since the $250 price rise cancels out the $300 voucher for each household
    • Low-income homes gain the full $300, since the voucher can be spent on their heating oil alone

15. Use this

    Cards A to D on planning, prices and market failure (cards A and B are exact excerpts; card C is a summary in our words; card D is made up for practice). Card A, "F. A. Hayek, 'The Use of Knowledge in Society' (American Economic Review, 1945)". Excerpt 1: "The peculiar character of the problem of a rational economic order is determined precisely by the fact that the knowledge of the circumstances of which we must make use never exists in concentrated or integrated form but solely as the dispersed bits of incomplete and frequently contradictory knowledge which all the separate individuals possess." Excerpt 2: "We must look at the price system as such a mechanism for communicating information if we want to understand its real function—a function which, of course, it fulfils less perfectly as prices grow more rigid." Excerpt 3, on a new use for tin or a lost source of it: "It does not matter for our purpose—and it is very significant that it does not matter—which of these two causes has made tin more scarce." Card B, "A. C. Pigou, The Economics of Welfare (4th edition, 1932), Part II, Chapter IX". Excerpt, on smoke from factory chimneys: "… this smoke in large towns inflicts a heavy uncharged loss on the community, in injury to buildings and vegetables, expenses for washing clothes and cleaning rooms, expenses for the provision of extra artificial light, and in many other ways." Card C, "Market socialism". Summary in our words, not a quotation: In the 1930s Oskar Lange proposed that a central planning board set prices, raising a price where goods ran short and cutting it where they piled up, while managers produced where price equaled cost. Card D, "Water in Varra (made up)". Varra's water board sets one water price for the year. In July a drought cuts the reservoir's inflow 30 percent. At the fixed price, use stays the same and the reservoir nears empty, so the board bans lawn watering and pays inspectors to enforce the ban.

16. 10.

    Tala writes one claim about card D using cards A and B. Which claim do the cards support best?

    • Varra's fixed price hid the drought from users, so the board had to replace it with a costly ban
    • Card B supports Varra's fixed price, since water, like smoke, is a loss that no price can carry
    • Varra shows that a water board is a worse system than a market in the cases it could face
    • Varra shows a market would have ended the shortage, since prices clear a market at once