How wages are set: skills, demand for workers and unions

Grade 12 Social Studies Worksheet - Challenge Me

Circle the best answer.

1. Read this first

   Use this

   Cards A to C on unions and pay (card A is BLS data; cards B and C are made up). Card A, "Union members, 2024". Source: BLS, Union Members 2024 (news release of January 28, 2025), read Nov 14, 2026. Table, columns Measure | Figure: Union membership rate, 1983 | 20.1 percent; Union membership rate, 2024 | 9.9 percent; Public sector rate, 2024 | 32.2 percent; Private sector rate, 2024 | 5.9 percent; Median usual weekly earnings, full-time union members, 2024 | $1,337; Median usual weekly earnings, full-time nonunion workers, 2024 | $1,138. Note: BLS says its earnings comparisons are broad and do not control for many factors that can explain earnings differences. Card B, "A controlled study (made up)". Written for this sheet. Summary in our words, not a quotation: a study compares union members and nonunion workers in the same occupation, industry and firm size. It finds union members earn about 8 percent more. Card C, "Two views (made up)". Written for this sheet. Summary in our words, not a quotation: Speaker S says the BLS figures show a union raises a worker's weekly pay by $199. Speaker T says unions have almost vanished, since the rate fell from 20.1 percent in 1983 to 9.9 percent in 2024.

2. 1.

   Jun weighs speakers S and T on card C against cards A and B. Which statement fits the evidence best?

   • T is right: membership halved from 20.1 to 9.9 percent, so unions have almost vanished
   • S overstates, since controls cut the gap to about 8 percent; T overstates, since 9.9 percent is not zero
   • S is right: the BLS compares full-time workers, so the $199 gap is the effect of union membership
   • S is right but understates: $199 is 17.5 percent of $1,138, a larger share than card B's 8 percent
3. 2.

   Esme tests speaker S's claim that a union raises weekly pay by $199, using cards A and B. What is the best verdict?

   • Weakly supported: the raw gap mixes in other differences, and a controlled study finds about 8 percent, not 17.5
   • Supported: a $199 gap in median weekly earnings is large, and the medians are for the same kind of full-time workers
   • Refuted: card B finds union members earn 8 percent more, which shows the union effect is zero
   • Cannot be judged: medians cannot be compared across groups, so neither card gives any information on the effect
4. 3.

   A writer says card B's 8 percent is the full union effect. What evidence would most challenge the writer, in Ren's view?

   • Whether union members work more hours than nonunion workers, since BLS counts full-time workers
   • Whether the public sector rate of 32.2 percent has risen, since public jobs may pay differently
   • Whether nonunion employers raise pay to head off unions, which lifts the comparison wage
   • Whether the study's workers live in the same state, since local wages differ from place to place

5. Use this

   Cards A to C on who bears a payroll tax (all made up for practice). Card A, "Elasticity estimates (made up)". Written for this sheet. Summary in our words, not a quotation: economists estimate the elasticity of labor supply at 0.2 and the elasticity of labor demand at 0.8. In a tax like the employer's 6.2 percent share, the share borne by workers is the demand elasticity divided by the sum of the two elasticities. Card B, "A proposal (made up)". Written for this sheet. Summary in our words, not a quotation: a legislator proposes to cut the employer's 6.2 percent share to zero. She says it will create many jobs, because the tax falls on jobs. Card C, "The size of the effect (made up)". Written for this sheet. Summary in our words, not a quotation: with these elasticities, a cut of 6.2 points in the employer's share raises wages about 5 percent and raises employment about 1 percent.

6. 4.

   Luz wants to answer the legislator with cards A to C. Which is the strongest objection to the plan?

   • The cut would lower revenue for Social Security, so it cannot be paid for without other taxes
   • The cut mostly raises workers' wages, about 5 percent, and adds only about 1 percent to jobs
   • Workers' wages would fall about 5 percent, since a tax cut lowers pay for those who receive it
   • Employers would keep the whole cut as profit, since they were the ones who paid the tax

7. Use this

   Cards A to C on two models of the minimum wage (all made up for practice). Card A, "The competitive model (made up)". Written for this sheet. Summary in our words, not a quotation: in a competitive labor market a minimum wage above the market wage cuts the number of workers hired. Card B, "The single-buyer model (made up)". Written for this sheet. Summary in our words, not a quotation: if one employer is the main buyer of labor in a town, it holds wages below the competitive level and hires fewer workers than it would. A minimum wage in a range above that wage can raise hiring. Card C, "A study (made up)". Written for this sheet. Summary in our words, not a quotation: a state raised its minimum wage 20 percent. In its restaurants, jobs fell 1 percent. In a neighboring state with no change, restaurant jobs rose 0.5 percent. Wages in the state's restaurants rose about 18 percent.

8. 5.

   Milo reads the study on card C beside the two models. Which statement fits the evidence best?

   • The result fits a small job loss, but it cannot tell the two models apart without more evidence
   • The result is useless, since one study of one state cannot say anything about either model
   • The result confirms the competitive model, since jobs fell when the minimum wage rose
   • The result supports the single-buyer model, since wages rose by 18 percent while jobs fell a little
9. 6.

   Noah reviews the study on card C. Which is the strongest objection to using the neighboring state as the comparison?

   • Comparison states are not useful, since two states differ in ways that cannot be measured
   • The neighbor might have had different restaurant trends anyway, so its +0.5 percent may mislead
   • The neighboring state has a different name and a different capital, which makes its restaurants differ
   • Restaurants in the neighboring state pay lower wages than those in the study state, which makes the comparison unfair
10. 7.

    Kira wants evidence that would separate the single-buyer model from the competitive one. Which is best?

    • Whether the neighboring state's jobs kept rising, since that shows if the control is steady
    • Whether prices on restaurant menus rose, since higher prices show firms passed on the cost
    • Whether quits and unfilled jobs fell after the raise, which only the single-buyer model predicts
    • Whether average wages rose by 18 percent, since a rise in wages shows the single-buyer model at work

11. Use this

    Cards A to C on the labor market, 2019 to 2024 (cards A and B are BLS data and notes; card C is made up). Card A, "Unemployment and participation". Source: BLS, unemployment rate (series LNU04000000) and labor force participation rate (series LNU01300000), annual averages, read through the BLS public data API on Nov 14, 2026. Table, columns Year | Unemployment rate | Participation rate: 2019 | 3.7 percent | 63.1 percent; 2020 | 8.1 percent | 61.7 percent; 2021 | 5.3 percent | 61.7 percent; 2022 | 3.6 percent | 62.2 percent; 2023 | 3.6 percent | 62.6 percent; 2024 | 4.0 percent | 62.6 percent. Card B, "What the two rates count". Source: BLS. Summary in our words, not a quotation: the participation rate is the share of the civilian population age 16 and over that is working or looking for work. The unemployment rate is the share of those in the labor force who have no job and are looking. People not looking for work are in neither count. A population with more older people has a lower participation rate even when jobs are plentiful. Card C, "Two commentators (made up)". Written for this sheet. Summary in our words, not a quotation: Commentator P says the labor market in 2023 was as strong as in 2019, because unemployment was lower, 3.6 percent against 3.7. Commentator Q says it was weaker, because fewer people were in the labor force.

12. 8.

    Tala weighs commentators P and Q on card C against cards A and B. Which statement fits the evidence best?

    • Q is right: a drop in participation of 0.5 point shows that the labor market was weaker in 2023 than in 2019
    • P is right: 3.6 percent is 0.1 point below 3.7 percent, and a lower rate signals a stronger market
    • Not settled: unemployment was 0.1 point lower but participation 0.5 point lower, and aging explains some
    • P is right: the unemployment rate is the main measure of labor market strength, and it was lower in 2023
13. 9.

    Bo wants better evidence to judge Q's claim. Which would help most?

    • The participation rate for ages 25 to 54, since it removes most of the effect of an older population
    • The unemployment rate for 2025, since another year of data would show which commentator is right
    • The unemployment rate for ages 16 and over in each month of 2023, since monthly figures are more exact
    • The participation rate for 2018, since an earlier year would show whether 63.1 percent was unusual
14. 10.

    A headline says the labor market loosened in 2024. Ari tests it with card A. What is the best verdict?

    • Supported: unemployment rose from 3.6 to 4.0 percent, an 11 percent rise, which shows a clear change in trend
    • Refuted: participation was the same in 2023 and 2024, so nothing changed in the labor market
    • Weakly supported: unemployment rose 0.4 point with participation flat, a mild sign one year cannot confirm
    • Cannot be judged: annual averages hide monthly changes, so no claim about 2024 can be made from card A