The War of 1812 and the Monroe Doctrine

Grade 8 Social Studies Worksheet - Challenge Me

Circle the best answer.

1. Read this first

   Use this

   The Monroe Doctrine, 1823 (cards A to C). Card A, from President James Monroe's seventh annual message to Congress, December 2, 1823 (Avalon Project and National Archives): the United States has been asked by Russia to settle "the respective rights and interests of the two nations on the northwest coast of this continent" by "amicable negotiation", and that a similar proposal to Great Britain "has likewise been acceded to". Monroe writes that "the American continents, by the free and independent condition which they have assumed and maintain, are henceforth not to be considered as subjects for future colonization by any European powers". He adds: "In the wars of the European powers in matters relating to themselves we have never taken any part, nor does it comport with our policy to do so." Then: "we should consider any attempt on their part to extend their system to any portion of this hemisphere as dangerous to our peace and safety. With the existing colonies or dependencies of any European power we have not interfered and shall not interfere." For the new governments that have won independence, Monroe says the United States would see any "interposition for the purpose of oppressing them" by a European power as "the manifestation of an unfriendly disposition toward the United States". He adds that in "the war between those new Governments and Spain we declared our neutrality". Card B, a summary in our words from the State Department's Office of the Historian (Milestones): the statement "was little noted by the Great Powers of Europe, but eventually became a longstanding tenet of U.S. foreign policy". Earlier in 1823 British Foreign Minister George Canning suggested a joint declaration by Britain and the United States. Secretary of State John Quincy Adams "vigorously opposed cooperation with Great Britain, contending that a statement of bilateral nature could limit United States expansion in the future" and argued that the British "must have had imperial motivations themselves". The page notes that the British "also had a strong interest in ensuring the demise of Spanish colonialism, with all the trade restrictions mercantilism imposed". It says the United States pledged not to take part in the political affairs of Europe and "not to interfere in the existing European colonies already in the Americas", and that Americans noticed "Signs that Russia was expanding its presence southward from Alaska toward the Oregon Territory". Card C, a summary in our words from the State Department's text on the National Archives page: the doctrine was "Buried in a routine annual message delivered to Congress". In 1865 the United States used it to support the Mexican President Benito Juarez against the Emperor Maximilian, who had been placed on the throne by the French government. "Almost 40 years later, in 1904," Theodore Roosevelt proclaimed the right of the United States to exercise an "international police power", the Roosevelt Corollary. The page says Roosevelt "would strengthen its meaning to justify sending the United States into other countries of the Western Hemisphere", and that United States Marines were sent into Santo Domingo in 1904, Nicaragua in 1911 and Haiti in 1915. It adds: "Other Latin American nations viewed these interventions with misgiving, and relations between the 'great Colossus of the North' and its southern neighbors remained strained for many years." The Office of the Historian says the Corollary "inverted the original meaning of the doctrine".

2. 1.

   Card A is President Monroe's 1823 message to Congress. What is it best evidence for, Ari asks?

   • How well the United States could enforce its warning in the 1820s
   • How the governments of Europe answered the message in the year after
   • What the administration chose to announce about the Americas
   • Why Britain wanted a joint declaration with the United States in 1823
3. 2.

   Card A says "we have never taken any part" in Europe's wars. What was Monroe doing with that line, Bo asks?

   • Asking Congress for money to build a navy for the coming crisis
   • Declaring war on the allied powers of Europe if they came near
   • Promising to defend any Latin American government with the army
   • Offering to stay out of Europe's wars while warning about the Americas
4. 3.

   A student claims: "Monroe promised that the United States would use force to protect Latin American republics." How strong is that given card A, Esme asks?

   • Strong: Monroe says the United States would send troops to Spain
   • Weak: card A warns Europe and calls interposition unfriendly, but promises no force
   • Weak: Monroe's message was not read by Congress, so it promised nothing
   • Strong: card A says Europe's interposition would show an unfriendly disposition
5. 4.

   A student claims: "European governments took the Monroe Doctrine seriously right away." How strong is that given card B, Jun asks?

   • Strong: Europe's powers saw the warning and changed course at once
   • Weak: card B says the Great Powers of Europe paid it little notice
   • Strong: it became a longstanding tenet of U.S. policy, so Europe obeyed
   • Weak: card B is silent, so nothing can be said about it
6. 5.

   Card B says the United States pledged "not to interfere in the existing European colonies". Does card A back that, Kira asks?

   • No: card A is about talks with Russia and says nothing about colonies
   • Yes: card A says it has not interfered with existing colonies and will not
   • No: card A says the United States would take over the European colonies
   • Yes: card A bans Europeans from holding any colony in the Americas
7. 6.

   How did Canning's and Adams's goals differ in 1823, according to card B, Luz asks?

   • Both wanted the Americas to stay under Spain's control
   • Canning wanted a joint declaration; Adams wanted a statement by the United States alone
   • Adams trusted British motives, so he welcomed cooperation
   • Adams wanted a joint declaration; Canning wanted one made by the United States alone
8. 7.

   Card C lists Marine landings in 1904, 1911 and 1915. How many years from the first to the last, and what do they show, Noah asks?

   • 4 years, the gap between 1911 and 1915
   • 11 years, and three landings show repeated action in the hemisphere
   • 39 years, using card C's "almost 40 years"
   • 11 years, and three landings reveal a plan for each of the three countries
9. 8.

   How did the doctrine's meaning change between card A in 1823 and the Corollary in card C, Pia asks?

   • It was dropped after 1823 and brought back just in 1865 for Mexico
   • It moved from allowing US action in the hemisphere toward banning it
   • It moved from warning Europe away to justifying US action abroad
   • It stayed the same, because both texts mention the Western Hemisphere
10. 9.

    Which new evidence would best test card B's claim that the doctrine was "little noted" in Europe, Ren asks?

    • A modern textbook that repeats the same claim in its own words
    • A list of Marine landings in Haiti and Nicaragua
    • Newspapers and letters from European capitals dated 1824
    • Roosevelt's 1904 speech about police power
11. 10.

    Card A mentions Russia's request to settle claims by "amicable negotiation". Why would Monroe include that for Congress, Zee asks?

    • To show Britain had refused to talk with Russia about the coast
    • To show a principle was stated while claims were settled by talks
    • To ask Congress to declare war on Russia over the northwest coast
    • To show that Russia had already settled in the Oregon Territory by 1823