More groups win legal rights: women, farmworkers, Native nations, people with disabilities
Grade 11 Social Studies Worksheet

Circle the best answer.
Read this first
Use this
Four movements, 1962 to 1977 (cards A to F and a table). Card A, President Richard Nixon's special message to Congress on Indian affairs, July 8, 1970 ("Indian" was the federal term then; today people say Native nations): "I believe that both of these policy extremes are wrong. Federal termination errs in one direction, Federal paternalism errs in the other. Only by clearly rejecting both of these extremes can we achieve a policy which truly serves the best interests of the Indian people. Self-determination among the Indian people can and must be encouraged without the threat of eventual termination. … This, then, must be the goal of any new national policy toward the Indian people: to strengthen the Indian's sense of autonomy without threatening his sense of community." Card B, the Indian Self-Determination and Education Assistance Act, section 3 (a federal law, January 4, 1975; 88 Stat. 2204): "The Congress hereby recognizes the obligation of the United States to respond to the strong expression of the Indian people for self-determination by assuring maximum Indian participation in the direction of educational as well as other Federal services to Indian communities … The Congress declares its commitment to the maintenance of the Federal Government's unique and continuing relationship with and responsibility to the Indian people through the establishment of a meaningful Indian self-determination policy which will permit an orderly transition from Federal domination of programs for and services to Indians to effective and meaningful participation by the Indian people in the planning, conduct, and administration of those programs and services."
Card A is a 1970 presidential message. Card B is the 1975 law. What do the two cards support together, Ari asks?
- Policy moved toward Native direction of programs while the federal relationship continued
- Federal agencies kept running Native programs, with Native nations advising on how to run them
- Policy moved toward ending the federal relationship so that Native nations could govern on their own
- The 1970 message was the cause of the 1975 law, since the law carried out the message's goals
How do cards A and B differ as evidence for federal policy, Bo asks?
- Card A is about Native nations everywhere, and card B is about the nations of one region
- Card A shows what Congress enacted in 1970, and card B shows what a president hoped Congress would adopt
- Card A states what a president wanted Congress to adopt; card B shows what Congress enacted
- Card A is a statement of one man's opinion, so just card B is usable for a claim about policy
Use this
Four movements, 1962 to 1977 (cards A to F and a table). Card C, Delano, 1965 (Summary in our words, not a quotation): On September 8, 1965, more than 800 Filipino farmworkers of the Agricultural Workers Organizing Committee struck ten grape vineyards near Delano, California. The strike was led by Larry Itliong and Ben Gines. On September 16, 1965, members of the National Farm Workers Association, founded in 1962 by Cesar Chavez, Dolores Huerta and others, voted to join. The association called its first boycott in December 1965, against Schenley Industries. The two groups merged in 1966 and later became the United Farm Workers. By 1970 the union had agreements with California grape growers covering over 70,000 farmworkers. Card D, why a boycott, and why a state law (Summary in our words, not a quotation): Growers hired replacement workers when farmworkers struck in 1965. Farmworkers had been left out of the National Labor Relations Act, the federal law that protects workers' right to organize, and the federal ban on secondary boycotts (pressure on stores that sell an employer's goods) did not apply to them. The union's boycott reached stores and shoppers across the country. In 1975 California passed its own law, the Agricultural Labor Relations Act, which created a state board to hold union elections and settle disputes. By the California board's own account, the Act made California the first state to give farm workers the right to bargain as a group.
Jun asks why the union added a boycott after growers hired replacement workers. Which reading of cards C and D fits best?
- The boycott targeted the state government, because California's board oversaw the vineyards near Delano
- Replacement workers made strikes pointless, so the union turned from striking to boycotting after 1965
- Federal labor law protected strikers, so a boycott was a safe way for the union to follow that law
- Farmworkers were outside federal labor law, so a boycott could reach stores and shoppers
Card C says the union had agreements by 1970. Card D says California's 1975 law first gave farm workers a right to bargain as a group. How do they fit, Kira asks?
- Card D must be wrong, since agreements in 1970 show farmworkers already had a legal right to bargain
- The 1970 agreements stayed invalid until the 1975 law confirmed them as contracts
- The 1975 law followed the agreements, so the union's success caused California to pass the law
- The union won contracts by pressure before 1975, but the 1975 law first made bargaining a right
Use this
Four movements, 1962 to 1977 (cards A to F and a table). Card E, the Equal Pay Act, extended in 1972 (Summary in our words, not a quotation): The Fair Labor Standards Act leaves out of its wage rules executive, administrative and professional employees (including elementary and secondary school teachers) and outside salespeople. The Education Amendments of 1972, section 906, changed that law so that the equal pay rule applied to those employees too. The rule's exceptions for seniority, merit and quantity or quality of production stayed in the law. Table "Women and men in college, fall enrollment", columns Year | Men | Women | Women as percent of all students. Row 1: 1970 | 5,043,642 | 3,537,245 | 41.2. Row 2: 1972 | 5,238,757 | 3,976,103 | 43.1. Row 3: 1980 | 5,874,374 | 6,222,521 | 51.4. Row 4: 1990 | 6,283,909 | 7,534,728 | 54.5. Title IX was approved on June 23, 1972. Data: National Center for Education Statistics, Digest of Education Statistics, table 303.10 (fall enrollment of colleges and universities that grant degrees).
Milo says women's share jumped because of Title IX. Using the table's 1970, 1972 and 1980 shares, what is the strongest objection?
- The share rose faster after June 1972 than before, so the table supports Title IX as the cause
- Men's enrollment also rose, so women's share rising shows women gained at men's expense
- The share rose less from 1980 to 1990, so Title IX's effect faded after the first decade
- The share already rose about 1 point a year from 1970 to 1972, close to the pace afterward
Women and men in college, fall enrollment
Year Men Women Women as percent of all students 1970 5,043,642 3,537,245 41.2 1972 5,238,757 3,976,103 43.1 1980 5,874,374 6,222,521 51.4 1990 6,283,909 7,534,728 54.5 Title IX was approved on June 23, 1972. Data: National Center for Education Statistics, Digest of Education Statistics, table 303.10 (fall enrollment of colleges and universities that grant degrees)
In 1980 women outnumber men in the table. Which statement about 1972 to 1980 do the numbers support, Noah asks?
- Women's enrollment grew about 8 percent while men's stayed level, since the share rose 8.3 points over the eight years
- Both groups grew by about the same percent, so the share changed because the total grew
- Title IX alone moved 2.2 million women into college, so enrollment shows the law's whole effect
- Both groups grew, women's by about 2.2 million and men's by 0.6 million, moving the share toward women
Use this
Four movements, 1962 to 1977 (cards A to F and a table). Card E, the Equal Pay Act, extended in 1972 (Summary in our words, not a quotation): The Fair Labor Standards Act leaves out of its wage rules executive, administrative and professional employees (including elementary and secondary school teachers) and outside salespeople. The Education Amendments of 1972, section 906, changed that law so that the equal pay rule applied to those employees too. The rule's exceptions for seniority, merit and quantity or quality of production stayed in the law.
In 1970 a woman professor was paid less than a man in the same job and department. Did the Equal Pay Act, as card E describes it, protect her, Pia asks?
- Yes, because the 1972 change simply confirmed what courts had already held about professional employees
- Not yet, because the equal pay rule did not reach professional employees until the 1972 change
- Not yet, because the equal pay rule did not reach women in any job until the 1972 Education Amendments
- Yes, because the 1963 rule covered any worker doing equal work from the day it took effect
Use this
Four movements, 1962 to 1977 (cards A to F and a table). Card D, why a boycott, and why a state law (Summary in our words, not a quotation): Growers hired replacement workers when farmworkers struck in 1965. Farmworkers had been left out of the National Labor Relations Act, the federal law that protects workers' right to organize, and the federal ban on secondary boycotts (pressure on stores that sell an employer's goods) did not apply to them. The union's boycott reached stores and shoppers across the country. In 1975 California passed its own law, the Agricultural Labor Relations Act, which created a state board to hold union elections and settle disputes. By the California board's own account, the Act made California the first state to give farm workers the right to bargain as a group.
Card D quotes California's labor board: its Act made California the first state to give farm workers the right to bargain as a group. How should Ren treat that claim?
- As showing that federal law followed California's lead, since the Act came first
- As the board's own account of its law: a fair lead, but one to check against another history
- As probably false, because an agency praising its own law has a reason to exaggerate
- As settled, because a state board is a strong source on the law that it was created to enforce
Use this
Four movements, 1962 to 1977 (cards A to F and a table). Card C, Delano, 1965 (Summary in our words, not a quotation): On September 8, 1965, more than 800 Filipino farmworkers of the Agricultural Workers Organizing Committee struck ten grape vineyards near Delano, California. The strike was led by Larry Itliong and Ben Gines. On September 16, 1965, members of the National Farm Workers Association, founded in 1962 by Cesar Chavez, Dolores Huerta and others, voted to join. The association called its first boycott in December 1965, against Schenley Industries. The two groups merged in 1966 and later became the United Farm Workers. By 1970 the union had agreements with California grape growers covering over 70,000 farmworkers. Card D, why a boycott, and why a state law (Summary in our words, not a quotation): Growers hired replacement workers when farmworkers struck in 1965. Farmworkers had been left out of the National Labor Relations Act, the federal law that protects workers' right to organize, and the federal ban on secondary boycotts (pressure on stores that sell an employer's goods) did not apply to them. The union's boycott reached stores and shoppers across the country. In 1975 California passed its own law, the Agricultural Labor Relations Act, which created a state board to hold union elections and settle disputes. By the California board's own account, the Act made California the first state to give farm workers the right to bargain as a group.
Which claim do cards C and D support best, Tala asks?
- Federal labor law protected the agreements once they were signed, which kept the growers from ending them
- The boycott won those agreements for the union, while the strike added little to the result
- By 1970 farmworkers had agreements covering over 70,000 workers though federal law left them out
- The agreements covered most farmworkers in California, which is why the state later passed its own law
Use this
Four movements, 1962 to 1977 (cards A to F and a table). Card A, President Richard Nixon's special message to Congress on Indian affairs, July 8, 1970 ("Indian" was the federal term then; today people say Native nations): "I believe that both of these policy extremes are wrong. Federal termination errs in one direction, Federal paternalism errs in the other. Only by clearly rejecting both of these extremes can we achieve a policy which truly serves the best interests of the Indian people. Self-determination among the Indian people can and must be encouraged without the threat of eventual termination. … This, then, must be the goal of any new national policy toward the Indian people: to strengthen the Indian's sense of autonomy without threatening his sense of community." Card B, the Indian Self-Determination and Education Assistance Act, section 3 (a federal law, January 4, 1975; 88 Stat. 2204): "The Congress hereby recognizes the obligation of the United States to respond to the strong expression of the Indian people for self-determination by assuring maximum Indian participation in the direction of educational as well as other Federal services to Indian communities … The Congress declares its commitment to the maintenance of the Federal Government's unique and continuing relationship with and responsibility to the Indian people through the establishment of a meaningful Indian self-determination policy which will permit an orderly transition from Federal domination of programs for and services to Indians to effective and meaningful participation by the Indian people in the planning, conduct, and administration of those programs and services."
A student says cards A and B show what Native nations wanted in 1970 and 1975. What is the fair reply, Zee asks?
- Both are federal voices: card B says Native people expressed a wish, but only in Congress's words
- Card A shows it, because the president names the best interests of the Indian people in his message
- Neither card says anything about Native views, because federal sources cannot report them
- Card B quotes Native leaders directly, so it shows in their own words what the nations wanted