The United States in World War I, at home and abroad
Grade 11 Social Studies Worksheet - Challenge Me

Circle the best answer.
Read this first
Use this
Cards F to I. Card F, a table, Senate votes on the Treaty of Versailles (US Senate): November 19, 1919, 38 yes, 53 no; March 19, 1920, 49 yes, 35 no. A treaty needs the approval of two-thirds of the senators present; for this sheet, treat the senators who voted as the senators present. Card G, a summary in our words, written today: The Treaty of Versailles, which includes the League of Nations, was signed on June 28, 1919. Senators objected to Article 10, saying it gave the League's Council power over American war decisions. Senator Lodge's group wanted 14 reservations added; a second group refused the treaty in any form. Card H, a summary in our words, written today: By the time Wilson returned from Paris in July 1919, the Office of the Historian says, public opinion strongly favored the treaty, and 32 state legislatures had passed resolutions for it. The Constitution lets the president make treaties only if two-thirds of the senators present agree. Card I, a summary in our words, written today: The United States never joined the League of Nations. A separate peace treaty with Germany was signed on August 25, 1921.
Card H: opinion favored the treaty and 32 state legislatures passed resolutions. Card F: two failed votes. Card G: two groups of opponents. How can all three be true, Bo asks?
- Lodge's reservations alone caused the failure, since without them most senators would have approved
- Two-thirds of the Senate had to agree, and opponents formed two groups, so favorable opinion could not carry it
- The state legislatures that passed resolutions held the power to ratify, so the Senate's no overrode them
- Opinion turned against the treaty after Wilson returned, and the senators voted when opinion had changed
Use this
Cards J to O. Reading X, written for this sheet, not a quotation from any historian: The United States entered the war mainly because Germany's submarine warfare and the Zimmermann Telegram threatened American security and neutral rights. Reading Y, written for this sheet, not a quotation from any historian: The United States entered the war mainly because its trade with Britain and France tied it to the Allies, whose defeat would have harmed American interests. Card J, a summary in our words, written today: American factories and farms sold munitions and food to Britain and France. Card K, a summary in our words, written today: Germany announced unrestricted submarine warfare on January 31, 1917. Card L, a summary in our words, written today: The Zimmermann Telegram, offering Mexico help to win back lost land, was made public on March 1, 1917. Card M, Woodrow Wilson, war message to Congress, April 2, 1917 (primary source; printed 1918, pp. 284-285): "We have no selfish ends to serve. We desire no conquest, no dominion [rule over others]. We seek no indemnities [payments for war losses] for ourselves, no material compensation for the sacrifices we shall freely make." Card N, a summary in our words, written today: Congress declared war on Germany on April 6, 1917. Card O, a summary in our words, written today: The Office of the Historian says the reasons for Wilson's decision are still debated.
Card M quotes Wilson: 'We have no selfish ends to serve.' Card J: American farms and factories sold to Britain and France. Card K: Germany announced unrestricted submarine warfare. How should Esme reconcile them?
- Both can be true: an aim was stated, sales and the announcement are facts, and the cards cannot rank them
- The statement is a weak guide, since a message made to win Congress's vote cannot be trusted on aims
- Wilson's claim must be false, since the sales gave the country a stake in an Allied victory
- The sales stopped when Germany announced unrestricted warfare, so they cannot conflict with the aim
Reading X stresses threats to security and neutral rights; reading Y stresses trade with the Allies. Which pairing matches each reading to the cards that fit it best, Jun asks?
- X with cards K and L, the submarine announcement and the telegram; Y with card J, the sales
- X with card J, the sales; Y with cards K and L, the submarine announcement and the telegram
- X with card M, since Wilson's own words give his reason; Y with card J, the sales
- X with card N, the declaration of war; Y with card O, the debated reasons
Kira wants new evidence that could separate readings X and Y. Which would help most?
- A count of how many Americans cheered Wilson's war message in April 1917
- Officials' private papers from early 1917 that show which dangers they weighed
- A larger count of the munitions sold to Britain and France before 1917
- Wilson's address of January 1918 on peace aims, which states what he hoped to gain
Cards J to O give facts about 1917. Luz asks what they can do for the argument between readings X and Y.
- They favor reading X, since two cards (K and L) concern Germany's acts and one concerns trade
- They fit both readings, showing what happened and when but not which cause mattered most
- They show Germany's acts were the sole cause, since cards K and L come just before Wilson's message
- They favor reading Y, since the sales began in 1914, years before the other events, so trade is the deeper cause
Use this
Cards A to E. Card A, Justice Oliver Wendell Holmes, writing for the Supreme Court in Schenck v. United States, March 3, 1919 (primary source; United States Reports vol. 249, p. 52), to explain when words in wartime can be punished: "We admit that in many places and in ordinary times the defendants in saying all that was said in the circular would have been within their constitutional rights. But the character of every act depends upon the circumstances in which it is done. … The most stringent protection of free speech would not protect a man in falsely shouting fire in a theatre and causing a panic. … The question in every case is whether the words used are used in such circumstances and are of such a nature as to create a clear and present danger that they will bring about the substantive evils that Congress has a right to prevent. It is a question of proximity and degree." Card B, a summary in our words, written today: Schenck was general secretary of a Socialist Party office in eastern Pennsylvania. In August 1917 the office had about 15,000 leaflets printed to mail to men who had passed their draft exemption boards. Schenck and Baer were convicted of a plot to obstruct army recruiting under the Espionage Act of June 15, 1917. The Supreme Court affirmed the convictions on March 3, 1919. The Court said the Sedition Act of May 16, 1918 did not change the case. Card C, a summary in our words, written today: Eugene Debs received a ten-year sentence under the Espionage Act, and the Supreme Court later upheld it, relying on Schenck. Card D, an invented example for this sheet, not a real case: In 1918, in a small town far from any army camp, a newspaper prints a letter in which the writer says the war is a mistake and hopes it ends soon. No leaflets go to draft boards, and no one is urged to refuse service. Card E, an invented example for this sheet, not a real case: In 1918 a group prints 10,000 leaflets telling men who have just been called by their draft boards not to report, and mails them to those men.
Apply the test in card A to card D (invented): a letter in a small-town newspaper, far from any army camp, says the war is a mistake. What fits best, Milo asks?
- Punishable: like Schenck's circular, the letter was printed and shared, and sharing words is what the test punishes
- Likely protected: the test asks for a clear and present danger, and nothing in card D creates one
- Punishable, since the letter says the war is a mistake, a false alarm like falsely shouting fire
- Punishable: the nation was at war, and Schenck shows antiwar words may be punished in wartime
Apply the test in card A to card E (invented): 10,000 leaflets mailed in 1918 to men just called by draft boards, telling them not to report. What fits best, Noah asks?
- Punishable at once, since Schenck made mailing antiwar leaflets a crime in wartime, whatever the audience
- Likely punishable: leaflets telling men just called not to report risk obstructing the draft
- Protected, since a leaflet from a private group is private speech, not the government's
- Protected if printed before May 1918, since the Sedition Act came on May 16, 1918
Use this
Cards P and Q. Card P, a table, US military deaths in World War I (National Park Service and National Archives): battle deaths, 53,402; accidents and disease, 63,114; all deaths in service, 116,516. The table counts service members; it does not count the wounded. Card Q, a table, Americans in the war (National Archives and National Park Service; numbers rounded by the sources): men who registered for the draft, 24 million; men drafted, 2.8 million; all who served in the armed forces, 4.8 million; soldiers sent to France, about 2 million; African Americans who served, 367,710; African Americans sent to France, 200,000. The table does not say how many drafted men were sent to France.
Card P: 63,114 deaths from accidents and disease against 53,402 in battle. A student says 'so fighting was less dangerous than camp life.' What do cards P and Q let Ren say?
- No: the table leaves out the wounded, so fighting must have been more dangerous than the deaths shown
- Yes: 63,114 is 54 percent of 116,516 deaths, a clear majority, so camp life was more dangerous
- Yes: 116,516 deaths among 4.8 million who served is under 3 percent, so service was safe overall
- Not yet: deaths are counts, not risk per person, and 2 million of the 4.8 million who served reached France
Card Q: 200,000 of 367,710 African Americans who served went to France, and about 2 million of 4.8 million who served overall. What can Tala say about those shares?
- African Americans were more likely than others to be sent to France, as 54 against 42 percent shows
- The comparison is fair, since both shares count men sent to France and rounding changes them little
- About 54 and 42 percent, but the counts may not share a base, so the comparison is shaky
- African Americans were 54 percent of the soldiers sent to France
A student says 'the draft was a small part of the war effort: only 12 percent of the 24 million registrants were drafted.' How do the figures in card Q bear on that, Zee asks?
- The claim holds, since registrants are the group the draft covered and 12 percent is its true share
- The claim fails, since 2.8 million drafted exceeds the 2 million sent to France, so the draft supplied the troops overseas
- The claim holds, since 2.8 million drafted is less than the 4.8 million who served, so the draft was the smaller part
- The draft was a large part of the force: the drafted were about 58 percent of those who served